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ãã¼ãã«å§å¡ä¼æ¸è¨ã²ã¤ã«ã»ã«ã³ãã¹ã¿ãæ°ã¯ãç±³å½ã®ãªãã大統é ã¯å¹³åè³æä¸ã®éã«è¨ãããæå¾
ãå¶ãã¦ã¯ãããªãã£ããã¨èãã¦ãããè³ã¯æ ¸ã®ãªãä¸çã®å®ç¾ã«åããåãçµã¿ã奨å±ããæå³ã®ãã®ã§ãã£ããã«ã³ãã¹ã¿ãæ°ãåé¡§é²ã平忏è¨ãã§è¿°ã¹ãã The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states -- all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. Copyright©1999-2020 Rakuten Securities, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. æ¬æ¼èª¬ã¨ãæ ¸ãªãä¸çãã«åããå½é社ä¼ã¸ã®åãããï¼åæï¼"a world without nuclear weapons"ï¼ãè©ä¾¡ããããªããã¯2009å¹´ 10æ9æ¥ã«ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ãåè³ããã (Applause.). And that's why helping farmers feed their own people -- or nations educate their children and care for the sick -- is not mere charity. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements -- these movements of hope and history -- they have us on their side. Let me make one final point about the use of force. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of man's present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him." I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. I am committed to upholding this treaty. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant -- the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions. In many ways, these efforts succeeded. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more -- and that's the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there's something irreducible that we all share. To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism -- it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines. We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. ããªãã大統é ãã¼ãã«è³ ã¹ãã¼ããã®é¢é£ãã¥ã¼ã¹. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. That's why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali -- we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers -- but as wagers of peace. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists -- a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations -- that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. æªåé¡ ãªãã ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ æ¼èª¬. Tweet, Posted by: BlogPetのsleepy | December 24, 2009 02:21 PM, Email Address: Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms. ã®ç±³å¤§çµ±é ã®ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³åè³ã¯ãæ¥é²æ¦äºãè¬åã«å°ãã⦠That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace. (Not displayed with comment.). This brings me to a second point -- the nature of the peace that we seek. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics. 2021年版「株主優待カレンダー」販売中!優待投資の基本、注目銘柄、資産形成の基本も!!, 2009(平成21)年10月9日、米国のバラク・オバマ大統領がノーベル平和賞を受賞しました。米大統領として、「核なき世界」を目指して国際社会に働きかけたことが受賞の理由です。現職の米大統領のノーベル平和賞受賞は、日露戦争を講和に導いた1906年のセオドア・ルーズベルトらに続いて3人目です。ノーベル平和賞授賞の報が届いたことを、当日朝、娘に知らされるまで本人は知らなかったといいます。, オバマ氏は受賞時点で目立った実績があったわけではありません。ただ、世界最大の軍事大国である米国が、核兵器に反対することに大きな意味がありました。, オバマ氏は2106年5月27日、伊勢志摩サミット出席後に、広島市中心部の広島平和記念公園を訪問。慰霊碑に花をささげ、核兵器のない世界の実現を訴えました。, ただ、2010年には米国が臨界前核実験を実施すると、オバマ氏が培ってきた平和のイメージが一気に崩れました。一方で、オバマ氏は1期目でさっそくロシアとSTART(第四次戦略兵器削減交渉)を締結しており、外交の方向性が定まらなかったとの批判もあります。, 本コンテンツは情報の提供を目的としており、投資その他の行動を勧誘する目的で、作成したものではありません。 詳細こちら >>, 本コンテンツは情報の提供を目的としており、投資その他の行動を勧誘する目的で、作成したものではありません。銘柄の選択、売買価格等の投資の最終決定は、お客様ご自身でご判断いただきますようお願いいたします。本コンテンツの情報は、弊社が信頼できると判断した情報源から入手したものですが、その情報源の確実性を保証したものではありません。本コンテンツの記載内容に関するご質問・ご照会等には一切お答え致しかねますので予めご了承お願い致します。また、本コンテンツの記載内容は、予告なしに変更することがあります。, 商号等:楽天証券株式会社/金融商品取引業者 関東財務局長(金商)第195号、商品先物取引業者, 加入協会:日本証券業協会、一般社団法人金融先物取引業協会、日本商品先物取引協会、一般社団法人第二種金融商品取引業協会、一般社団法人日本投資顧問業協会. ãã©ã¯ã»ãªããã¯ç±³å½æ´ä»£å¤§çµ±é æä½è©ä¾¡ï¼ãã¼ãã«è³åè³çç±ã¯ï¼ ãã©ã¯ã»ãªããã®è©ä¾¡ãä½ãï¼ç±³å½æ´ä»£å¤§çµ±é æä½è©ä¾¡ãªã®ãï¼ ãã©ã¯ã»ãªããã¯ã第44代米å½å¤§çµ±é ãéããªãä»»æçµäºã¨ãªãã¾ãããç±³å½æ´ä»£å¤§çµ±é æä½ã®è©ä¾¡ã§ã¯ã¨ã®å£°ãä¸ãã£ã¦ããããã§ãã As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King's life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. That's why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace. And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations -- an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize -- America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons. We also know that the opposite is true. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. We lose our sense of possibility. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. ããããè¦ãã°ããªããæ°ãããã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ã ããªã©ã¨ã忬æ°ååã§ãæ¡ç¨ããªãã³ã³ãã§ãããã¨ãããåããã æ¿æ²»ã¨ã¯çµæ. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression. The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. アフガン増派は大統領選時代から言っていたことだから、アフガン増派だからオバマに失望っていうのもどうかと。9.11でアフガン戦争は国際社会に認められていたし、イラク戦争が理由なき戦争だっただけだし。まあ、これから戦争することがわかっているのに平和賞を与えたノーベル委員会の問題でしょう。演説自体は戦争をしている覇権国のトップによる現実的な演説だなと思った。かなり難解だし。, しかしこの演説でいう「大義のある戦争」にアフガン戦争があたるかというと、ちょっと疑問だ。9.11があったからって、アフガンの一般市民を巻き込んでいいわけじゃない。ビン・ラディンを捕まえるだけなら、空爆して一般市民を殺す権利はないわけだし。一般市民を抑圧するタリバンは潰したほうがいいわけだけど、そのために米国が戦っているわけではない。むしろ石油ルート確保という深謀遠慮もあるのかもしれないし。そもそもブッシュのアメリカはわざとビン・ラディンを捕まえなかった、もしくは捕まえる気がなかったという話もあるわけだし。, というわけで、アフガン戦争だって間違った戦争だったと思う。だけど今やめるわけにはいかないだけだ。とにかくアフガンがいち早く落ち着いて、かつてのような肥沃な土地に戻ることを望む。, 01:37 AM in 経済・政治・国際, in オバマ演説, in オバマウォッチ | Permalink For we are fallible. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. ã£ã«ã»ãããã¯ã¼ã¯ãã¨ããæ ç»ã«åãããã¾ããã æ ç»ã«åºã¦ããå°ãã¿ãæã¿ãªããã忥çã¸å¹´é½¢ã®è¿ãå½¼ã ããããä¼ããããæããèªã£ã¦ãã¾ãã Agreements among nations. As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are; to understand that we're all basically seeking the same things; that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families. Listed below are links to weblogs that reference オバマのノーベル平和賞スピーチ: イアン・アレクサンダーほか: いつかは行きたい 一生に一度だけの旅 BEST500 [コンパクト版], 大人の科学マガジン Vol.30 (テオ・ヤンセンのミニビースト) (Gakken Mook), http://www.whitehouse.gov/blog/2009/12/10/war-and-peace-oslo, http://www.whitehouse.gov/the-press-office/remarks-president-acceptance-nobel-peace-prize, http://www.47news.jp/47topics/e/137313.php. For some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are somehow Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation's development. In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another world war. When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo, repression in Burma -- there must be consequences. America alone cannot secure the peace. ãªãã大統é ã¯8å¹´åã®é¸ææ¦ã®ããããæ°ã
ã®åè¨ãæ®ãã¦ãã¾ãããã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ãåè³ãã2016å¹´8æã«ã¯ç¾å½¹å¤§çµ±é ã§ã¯ããã¦åºå³¶ã訪åããããã§ãã¹ãã¼ããæ®ãã¦ãã¾ãã Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by 42 other countries -- including Norway -- in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks. We lose our moral compass. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale. The soldier's courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms. ã¹ãã¼ãã®å¤©æã¨ç§°ããããªãã大統é ãå¤ãã®æ°è¡ãæåã«å°ããã®ç§å¯ã¨ã¯ï¼é»ãè¸ã¿ããªãºã ã大åã«ããªãããè§£ããããä¾ããéå»ã®å人ã®è¨èãã¬ããªãã¯ã交ãã¦æ£ãã°ãã¦ããå½¼ã®ææ³ã¯è±èªææã¨ãã¦ãé常ã«é«ã価å¤ãçã¿åºãã¦ãã¾ãã Comments are moderated, and will not appear on this weblog until the author has approved them. Let us reach for the world that ought to be -- that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls. (Laughter.) The absence of hope can rot a society from within. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women -- some known, some obscure to all but those they help -- to be far more deserving of this honor than I. Remarks by the President at the Acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize. Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us. 2017å¹´1æ10æ¥ã第44代ã¢ã¡ãªã«å¤§çµ±é ããã©ã¯ã»ãªãã大統é ãéä»»ã¹ãã¼ããè¡ãªãã¾ããããã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ãåè³ããæ°ã
ã®åç¸¾ãæ®ãã¦ãããªããæ°ããæå¾ã«èªã£ãè¨èãé常ã«ç´ æ´ãã ⦠This is true in Afghanistan. Peace entails sacrifice. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure -- and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one. The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries, and other friends and allies, demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they've shown in Afghanistan. THE PRESIDENT: Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world: For when we don't, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified. There will be times when nations -- acting individually or in concert -- will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified. That's why we must strengthen U.N. and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don't. çãããªãã大統é ã®ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³åè³ã¹ãã¼ãã®æ¾éã覧ã«ãªãã¾ãããï¼ç§ã¯ãåè³ã¹ãã¼ããèãã¦ãã¦ãã§ããé¦ãããããå
容ãããã¾ãã大統é 就任ã®éã®ã¹ã⦠I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King Jr. said in this same ceremony years ago: "Violence never brings permanent peace. We can do that -- for that is the story of human progress; that's the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth. Clear-eyed, we can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. Furthermore, America -- in fact, no nation -- can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions." The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to actually change behavior -- for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. ããã©ã¯ã»ãªãããè¦ã¦ãã ãããå½¼ã¯å®éã«ã¯ä½ãããããã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ãåè³ããã 彿彼ã¯å¤§çµ±é ã«å°±ä»»ãã¦ã¾ã 1å¹´ã§ãããã¤ãã®ç´ æ´ãããã¹ãã¼ããããè¦ãç®ãæªããªããããããå®éã«ã¯å½¼ã¯å¹³åã®ããã«ä½ããã¦ããªãã£ãã We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. 共同:オバマ米大統領ノーベル平和賞受賞演説の全文(日本語訳) But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions -- not just treaties and declarations -- that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait -- a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression. Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. And I'm working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia's nuclear stockpiles. Remarks by the President at the Acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize | The White House Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, scrapes together what few coins she has to send that child to school -- because she believes that a cruel world still has a place for that child's dreams. å»å¹´ã®11æã ã£ãããã®ãããã«ãªãã米大統é ããã¼ãã«è³ãåè³ãããã¤ã©ã¯ã¸ã®ç±³è»å¢æ´¾ãªã©ã§ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ã®åè³ãæããã¦å¦¥å½ã§ãããã¨ãããã¨ã«ã¤ãã¦çåè¦ãã声ããã£ããããã¼ãã«è³å§å¡ä¼ã®ææãããã®ã§ã¯ãªããã¨ãã話ããã£ããããã Compared to some of the giants of history who've received this prize -- Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela -- my accomplishments are slight. Some time ago in Calcutta we had great difficulty in getting sugar, 以åãç§éã¯ã«ã«ã«ãã¿ã§ç ç³ãæã«å
¥ããã®ã«ãã®ãããè¦å´ãã¾ããã Those regimes that break the rules must be held accountable. Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he's outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones." But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such. >>> ãªãã大統é ã®ä»ã®åè¨ãè¦ã¦ã¿ã >>> å人ã®åè¨ãè¦ã¦ã¿ã. No matter how callously defined, neither America's interests -- nor the world's -- are served by the denial of human aspirations. And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached -- their fundamental faith in human progress -- that must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey. ã®ãã¨ã¯ä»åãªãããå¾ãã®ã¯ããããã¦éåæ°ãä¸åã51ï¼
ã®å¾ç¥¨çã 㣠ããã¨ããããããï¼æ³¨1ï¼ããããæ¥æ¬ã§ã¯å¤§çµ±é åé¸å婿¼èª¬ãcd ããã¯ã¨ ãã¦è¤æ°ã®åºç社ããåºçããããªã©ããã¾ã ã«ãªããã®ã¹ãã¼ãã¸ã®è©ä¾¡ã 人æ°ã¯é«ãã As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago, "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. The same principle applies to those who violate international laws by brutalizing their own people. It's also why the world must come together to confront climate change. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. Of course, we know that for most of history, this concept of "just war" was rarely observed. ãªããæ°ããããã£ã±ãããææ§ã ãããªã«ç©è°ããããããã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ã¯çããã¨ãããããã®å¹³åè³ãåè³ãããªããæ°ã¯ãåè³æ¼èª¬ã§ãJust Warï¼æ£å½ãªæ¦äºãæ£ç¾©ã®æ¦äºï¼ãã¨ããè¨èãç¹°ãè¿ â¦ There's no simple formula here. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. Pope John Paul's engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. Ronald Reagan's efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. ã«ãã ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³æä¸æ¼èª¬ ããã¯ãã¼ã¹ãã¼ãã«ããéå
¬å¼è¨³ã§ãããè±èªã®åæï¼ä»¥ä¸ã®ãªã³ã¯ï¼ã®è使¨©ã¯© the nobel foundation, stockholm, 2017ã«ããã Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights -- it must encompass economic security and opportunity. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations -- total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. And yet this truth must coexist with another -- that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. Still, we are at war, and I'm responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower. That is a source of our strength. For if we lose that faith -- if we dismiss it as silly or naïve; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace -- then we lose what's best about humanity. http://www.47news.jp/47topics/e/137313.php, For Immediate Release December 10, 2009 I know there's nothing weak -- nothing passive -- nothing naïve -- in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King. It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it's incompatible with the very purpose of faith -- for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and forceful action -- it's military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance. ãªãã大統é ã2016å¹´ã«è¡ã£ãåºå³¶ã§ã®ã¹ãã¼ããã¡ã¤ã³ã¨ãããã«ã¼ãã³å¤§çµ±é ã®ãåçæä¸å£°æããã¢ã¤ã¼ã³ãã¯ã¼å¤§çµ±é ã®ãåååã¯å¹³åã®ãããã§ããã¨ããæ¼èª¬ãã±ããã£å¤§çµ±é ã®ãã¢ã¡ãªã«ã³å¤§å¦åæ¥å¼ã§ã®å¹³åæ¼èª¬ãããªãã大統é 就任æ¼èª¬ããªã The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. Peace requires responsibility. And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. But let me now turn to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace. And while it's hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished. And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict -- filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other. A gradual evolution of human institutions. What might this evolution look like? But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. ï¼1ï¼ãªããæ¼èª¬é å²©æ³¢æ°æ¸ ãªããï¼ãè¿°ã 岩波æ¸åº 2010ï¼1 ï¼æ¥è²©ãã¼ã¯å
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¨å½å¤§ä¼ã®æ¼èª¬ããã09å¹´ã®å¤§çµ±é 就任æ¼èª¬ãããã¦ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³åè³è¬æ¼ã¾ã§ãåé²ãããªããæ¼èª¬éã®æ±ºå®çã Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint -- no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or the Red Cross worker, or even a person of one's own faith. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.